Security tremors are shaking Northeast Asia. North Korea has entrenched itself as a de facto nuclear state, while China and Russia have tightened their strategic embrace in ways unseen since the Cold War. Against this backdrop, U.S. and South Korean defense experts propose the establishment of a Northeast Asia Combatant Command (NEACOM) headquartered in Seoul.
The idea is being championed by David Maxwell, a retired U.S. Army Special Forces colonel and veteran security strategist.
Maxwell argues that Seoul is the only place suited to anchor a command capable of deterring North Korea, countering Chinese and Russian interference, and steering the U.S.-ROK alliance into its next phase. “A Seoul-based NEACOM would institutionalize American staying power and signal long-term commitment to allies,” he contends.
David Mawell, Vice President of the Center for Asia Pacific Strategy, Senior Fellow of Global Peace Foundation, Editor of Small Wars Journal
A “Supercharged” Joint Command Structure
Maxwell’s concept goes beyond a routine bureaucratic reshuffle. Under the plan, NEACOM would be led by a U.S. four-star general alongside South Korea’s chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff in a dual-command model. The structure would preserve the Combined Forces Command’s (CFC) wartime mission while elevating oversight to encompass nuclear deterrence, multi-domain operations, and third-party intervention threats.
Supporting components would include a Combined Joint Multi-Domain Task Force (CJMDTF) integrating cyber, space, and electronic warfare; a Counter-Nuclear Operations (CNO) directorate to synchronize with both U.S. and South Korean strategic commands; and a Third-Party Influence/Intervention (TPII) directorate to blunt Beijing and Moscow’s gray-zone tactics.
Beyond the Battlefield: Diplomatic and Economic Anchors
The blueprint extends outside the military sphere. In Tokyo, a U.S. presidentially appointed “Super Ambassador” would coordinate trilateral diplomacy among Washington, Seoul, and Tokyo. In Taipei, a Northeast Economic Engagement Center (NEEC) would institutionalize supply-chain and technology cooperation with Taiwan and South Korea. These measures aim to offset China’s coercive economic leverage while enhancing regional resilience.
The United Nations Command (UNC), often dismissed as a Cold War relic, would also be revitalized as a multinational diplomatic-military body, reinforcing coalition legitimacy in times of crisis.
Strategic Payoffs and Risks
Maxwell outlines four strategic dividends from NEACOM.
First, it would evolve the alliance, addressing long-standing debates over wartime operational control (OPCON) by creating a genuinely binational command.
Second, it would deter China and Russia, embedding resistance to third-party interference into the alliance’s DNA.
Third, it would synchronize a whole-of-region strategy, aligning military, diplomatic, and economic levers.
Finally, it would prepare the alliance for post-conflict stabilization, positioning NEACOM as the command capable of managing Korean unification scenarios.
Yet challenges loom. Washington is currently reducing overseas command structures, and regional backlash from Beijing and Moscow would be inevitable. Still, Maxwell insists the logic is compelling: “In an age of uncertainty, clarity is needed.
A Seoul-based NEACOM would ensure the U.S. and South Korea stand shoulder-to-shoulder—not only to defend the peninsula, but to shape Northeast Asia’s future and preserve a free and open order.”
A Region on the Brink
Amid a turbulent international landscape, the alignment of North Korea, China, and Russia is deepening into what some analysts describe as a “new axis of evil”—a direct threat to Northeast Asia’s security.
Taiwan and the Korean Peninsula remain among the world’s most volatile flashpoints, where war could erupt at any moment. Should a second Korean War or a replay of the Acheson Line become reality, Japan might be the only free power left standing in the region—and even Tokyo could not secure its defense alone.
That is why, Maxwell argues, his proposal deserves not only Seoul’s attention but also careful consideration from Japan and other security specialists across Northeast Asia.
※ This article was translated into English with the assistance of ChatGPT. If you find any errors, please contact the Freedom Chosun editorial team at mkdkq7@gmail.com